Noynoy expresses openness to a term extension, and already there’s all kinds of juicy constitutional talk: a constitutional assembly may be called to initiate amendments to the Batakang Balaod ranging from that simple to term extension to a shift to parliamentary and federal systems.
Let us be reminded that many of these speculations are bordering on fanciful, and it would be prudent not to expect overhauls. But Simeon III’s expression of willingness is unprecedented in the Philippine presidency, so anything is possible. We are at a crucial time in Philippine political history.
Many will point out that it would be ironic if a return to the parliamentary system happened under an Aquino administration — the Batasang Pambansa was after all the brainchild of Marcos. But such useless sentimentality should have no place in discussions of constitutional direction (heck, by the same logic we should have no diplomatic relations with both the US and Japan). We must only consider, as any Oregon-Oxford debater would know, what is necessary, beneficial, and practicable.
And I will be one of the first to take advantage of the opportunity to insist that the ideas of a parliamentary, federalist system being passed around in the halls of Congress should be acted upon in the impending ConAss. For a very regionalist archipelago it was rather stupid of us to have been otherwise.
A parliamentary system means the executive officials will be selected from elected members of parliament. Ever wondered why our Executive officials (ehem, Etta Rosales) can act so haughty and self righteous? It’s because they’re appointed, meaning the most powerful man in the land placed his trust on them. Appointed sounds like ‘anointed,’ and ‘anointed one’ in Hebrew is ‘Messiah.’
In a parliamentary system, while a minister owes his appointment to the prime minister, more importantly he/she has to please the very constituents that voted him/her as MP. Otherwise, he/she might face the wrath of recall. If Leila de Lima were a minister in a parliamentary system now for example (say she is MP for Iriga City), no matter how successful she is on the National stage, if Iriga gets angry with her she’ll have to say goodbye to her cabinet post. This also ultimately leads to strengthening of local over national power: we get powerful ministers at the mercy not only of local MPs who appoint the government, of the very locals who elected them in the first place.
Additionally, because parliament chooses them (usually the leaders of the largest party serve as the executive) the government is ultimately answerable to parliament — imagine Noynoy being asked awkward questions by the Makabayan bloc. In a parliamentary system he’ll have to answer those questions every week — look up Prime Minister’s Questions. Contrary to popular (and never quite properly informed) opinion therefore, a parliamentary system entails more accountability.
Now if you did that under a federalist system it would be even better. In federal parliamentary systems around the country the parliament is usually bicameral, with district representation at the lower house and federal representation on the upper. First example that comes to mind is Germany: the Bundestag, the lower house, is composed of representatives elected by district, while the Bundesrat, the Federal Council, is composed of delegates sent by each of the federal states. This goes back to that strengthening of local over national: right now in this unitary presidential system, we see the evident decrease in political influence as one goes south, with the nexus of power in the Tagalog area owing to its proximity to the capital. With a federal system, each local government will have its own authority, and all will be equal political entities. With the current system we also get such abhorrent (and thankfully past) scenarios as the funding of Metro Manila infrastructure with National money — taxpayers in Guihulngan will end up paying for the trains in Manila. This even extends to culture: a lover’s quarrel turned murder in Pasay is National news, but the killing of a journalist in Midsayap, North Cotabato would be regional news. And let’s not talk about language now! There’s the unfair redistribution of resources to urban centers at the expense of the rural ones, too. The topic of federalism is so rich it’s best if I write a separate article on it.
It is nevertheless important to note that a local issue has to be immediately addressed in light of talks about federalism: the One Negros Region proposal. If we ever do shift to Federalism, do not be surprised if regional governments are formed with their own jurisdictions and economies. And when that time comes we have to decide if we’ll stick with Cebu, Bohol, and Siquijor to form a Central Visayas Government or partner with Bacolod to make a Negros Government. Perhaps to contribute to the discussion I’d like to point out that historically we had closer ties with Occidental: we did have the Negros Republic after all. A gathering at the old Locsin House by a Negrense Government would touch deep historical sentiments. All Cebu did for us was kill Leon Kilat. And that’s not talking about having to cross the Tañon to go to regional offices, practicality wise.
(On a side note: the info dissemination on this matter is abhorrent. I wanted to attend the public consultations on the One Negros issue but I know neither when, where, nor if I can attend it. We don’t even see the arguments of both sides in local print in detail. I guess/hope they’re discussed on the radio, but even that’s not enough.)
Oh so much to think about, and to think it’s also Silliman’s Founders’ and Buwan ng Wika!
_____________________________________
Author’s email: lefthandedsnake@yahoo.com
